The chancellor has approached the upcoming budget like a hesitant swimmer inching into icy water, attempting to ease the hardship through incremental immersion.
Reeves started dealing with the issue of limited funds at the end of summer. To begin with, she would not to stand by former insistence that increases in taxation in the prior year's budget would be the ultimate ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a bolder step into the icy waves. Her remarks promised to "implement needed measures" to fund public services and maintain debt expenses low.
After 10 days, the finance ministry had withdrawn the suggestion. The campaign pledge was upheld in the end. As any icy-water swimmer understands, this halted plunge and shivering withdrawal is the worst of all methods. No strategy extends the pain like hesitation.
It is difficult to be resolute when deciding between levels of self-inflicted damage.
Expectation has not been a great tactic for the administration. At the core of Keir Starmer's general election campaign was the vain expectation of by some means meeting citizens' call for better state services without overturning billions of pounds of Tory reductions in taxation.
Not once has both the prime minister or Reeves successfully expressed a sense of collective goal to explain all this pain. To some extent that is a problem of leadership presence. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably similar in their communicative deficiency, awkward and reserved in a way that drives audiences back instead of pulling them towards them.
In the same way that public demand to invest in government services has pushed the exchequer to admit that revenue must increase, the economic imperative of improving prosperity makes it ever harder to ignore the cost of detachment from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers devoted a year experimenting in the initial phase of improved relations with the European Union: suggestions to eliminate border inspections on food items; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a further on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no significant agreements has yet been signed.
Lacking clear direction and impetus from Downing Street, talks are stalled. EU officials says single-market privileges are obtained with financial input to the continental treasury. UK ministers are aware that's the deal. That doesn't cause them enthusiastic for a visible argument and Nigel Farage howling betrayal over whatever price ends up being settled.
Financial circumstances has provoked some change in the government's language on the EU relationship. Reeves has started identifying leaving Europe alongside the health emergency as a factor of economic damage that the exchequer is toiling to repair. Cabinet members have done the same, although they carefully attribute the fault to "unfavorable agreement" or "the manner of departure", never just "withdrawal".
The problem of Britain's ongoing association with the European Union can't be simplified to technical adjustments and import controls when the global political landscape is in constant change. Considering everything that has occurred since 2016, it feels appropriate still to be posing the core matter: were the nation's concerns advanced by leaving the European Union?
These constitute sobering, challenging truths about the nation's position in turbulent global circumstances. It is expected that both leaders recoil from the task. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into trends that they dare not swim against. So as an alternative they persist apprehensively moving along the shore, hoping that perhaps shortly the situation will turn.
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